Hamba uyebhalisa ukuze ube lelungelo lokuvota! ZAPU EMBUSWENI 2018!

MAtabeleland region

Modern-day Matabeleland is a region in Zimbabwe divided into three provinces: Matabeleland North, Bulawayo and Matabeleland South. These provinces are in the west and south-west of Zimbabwe, between the Limpopo and Zambezi rivers.

The region is named after its inhabitants the Ndebele people. Other ethnic groups who inhabit parts of Matabeleland include the Tonga, Kalanga, Venda, Chewa, Khoi Sani, Nambia, Shangaan, Swati, Sotho, Shona, Tswana, Xhosa and Zulu. As of August 2012, according to the ZIMSAT or Zimbabwe national statistics agency, the southern part of the region had 683,893 people, with the make up of 326,697 males and 356,926 females with an average size household of 4.4 in an area of 54,172 square kilometres (20,916 sq mi). As for the Matabeleland Northern Province, it had a total population of 749,017 people out of the population of Zimbabwe of 13,061,239. The proportion of male and female population was 48 and 52 percent respectively within an area of just over 75,017 square kilometres (28,964 sq mi).

The remaining Bulawayo province had a population of 653,337 in an area of 1,706.8 square kilometres (659.0 sq mi). Thus the region has a combined population of 2,086,247 in an area of just over 130,000 square kilometres (50,000 sq mi) and that is just over the size of England. The major city is Bulawayo, other notable towns are Plumtree and Hwange. The land is particularly fertile but dry. This area has important gold deposits. Industries include gold and other mineral mines, and engineering. There has been a decline in the industries in this region as water is in short supply. Promises by the government to draw water for the region through the Matabeleland Zambezi Water Project have not been carried out. The region is allegedly marginalised by the government.

This was a region were international crime of genocide and ethinic cleansing against the Ndebele people of Matabeleland and Midlands perpetrated by Robert Gabriel Mugabe’s Zanu pf regime from 1980 to 1987 took place. The  ‘RED COLOUR’ of this website represents the blood of more than 20 000 people that were killed by Mugabe government.

 

 Background and Ndebele connection to the ZULU Kingdom of Shaka Zulu. 

             

Historians have called him "Black Caesar" and compared his military skills with Alexander the Great, and there is no doubt that the history of southern Africa would have been very different had Shaka not lived.  Historians have called him "Black Caesar" and compared his military skills with Alexander the Great, and there is no doubt that the history of southern Africa would have been very different had Shaka not lived. The man who founded the Zulu nation was born around 1787 and was murdered by his half-brother, Dingaan, in 1828 near the banks of the Thukela (Tugela) River. In his 41 years, he united the northern Nguni people - known today as the Zulus - and set the tribal boundaries of the Xhosa, Sotho and Swazi nations.

Many stories have been told of the Zulus and the tribes that grew from them including the Shangaan and Matabele, and because we had no written language most accounts were logged by explorers, hunters and missionaries.

But we also have a spoken version of history, handed down by grandparents, uncles, aunts and elders to wide-eyed children sitting by the fire at night. There under the open sky, tales are told without interruption, except from the animals and birds that call to each other in the dark.

There, in the forests and clearings, our history has been passed from one generation to the next. Now, with the glow of your computer screen on this website in place of the fire, let us share it once more with each other and with new friends from Africa and around the world.

Shaka changed the nature of warfare by inventing a short stabbing spear to replace the long throwing assegais. This meant that his soldiers could attack and not lose their weapons. And he established battalions and companies similar to those used in modern armies, even though at the time there had been no contact with western explorers. It is safe to say a lot of the military warfare used by the West today - WAS COPIED and LEARNT from These great AFRICAN KINGS - although they will never tell you that - BUT WE WILL !!

One of these military units was headed by Shaka's friend and most gifted general, Mzilikazi Khumalo, son of Matshobana.

 ZAPU unearths massive voter intimidation in Nkayi

by Staff Reporter
26/01/2018
 700 Views
 
Zapu
 
Zimbabwe opposition parties are faced with a familiar conundrum—fairly sure that the election they are facing in a couple of months will be rigged, but unsure how they will prove it.

There is already evidence that in many parts of the country, especially rural areas a clear intimidation and threat of repression is widespread, including the use of force against those don’t tore in line with the rulling party Zanu.

It is evident from the Junta ‘s history that neither domestic courts are likely to declare an election un free or unfair on the basis of this kind of background manipulation, although the international community will find the election process to be marked by a lack of transparency and worrying irregularities.

At the end of the day, it is only hard evidence of ballot box stuffing or faulty vote tallying that is likely to sway them. Up to now not even a single implementation of voter improvement has been done; both the Mnangagwa and Electoral Commision is mum about it this crucial matter.

ZAPU national secretary of cultural affairs Cosmas Mafu has reported massive voter intimidation by ZANU PF in Nkayi.

According to the ZAPU official, would be voters in Nkayi North have since vowed never to participate in the forthcoming elections fearing a repeat of what befell them during Gukurahundi.

The villagers in ward 6 told Mafu how village headman Nqamu, his wife and Danoti Ndlovu have terrorized them since beginning of BVR exercise

Ngqamu, who is also believed to be ZANU PF chairman in the area, together with the other two officials of the party have instructed youth secretary Phephile Ncube to collect serial numbers from every villager soon after they register.


Ncube is also in possession of ZANU PF forms that capture all identity and contact information of residents, including their addresses and dates of birth.

Because of this most would be voters have vowed never to cast their votes in the constituency saying the way ZANU PF is operating is the same way it did during Gukurahundi, listing names of people and later rounding the listed ones for slaughter, most times in front of their families. They fear the same as all their details have been collected by the same people who carried out Gukurahundi, in the same fashion they did then.

One of the residents, a woman has vowed to leave the area with her children and return after the elections. She says she and her family would rather be away during elections so that nobody asks them who they voted for.

Asked to explain, Ncube said that hers was only carrying out the instructions which she alleged came from ZANU PF headquarters and relayed through Nqamu, his wife and Danoti Sibanda.

Mafu sought audience with ZANU PF central committee member in the area Amos Mkhwananzi, who stammered when asked about the registration slips. Mkhwananzi told the ZAPU official that they were going to meet the CIO over the weekend and discuss the matter, after which he would come back to Mafu. He however never came back.

The saga has also sucked in the MP of the area, Sithembiso Nyoni who allegedly was heard at one of her meetings warning those who refused with their serial numbers saying, "ozakwala zindaba zakhe ngoba uRugeje uyeza emalangeni. Ufuna ukuthola ama serial number wonke ekimi". Rugeje is ZANU PF national commissar; the most notorious Gukurahundist.


 

Zapu President End Year 2017 Statement - Dr. Dumiso Dabengwa

by Dr. Dumiso Dabengwa, ZAPU President
 29 Dec. 2017  1271 Views
The year 2017 will stand out as one that ended with unprecedented political developments and potential for great social and economic turnaround. There was no guarantee that the end of the era of Robert Mugabe's 37-year iron grip on power would come so fast and without great loss of life and property, given the regime's propensity for ruthless use of force and extra judicial repression. The people of Zimbabwe therefore rightly rejoiced at the realization of the slogan "Mugabe must go": a slogan that reduced a complex system of repression, centralization and manipulation of power around one man.

                                                                               A Mugabe dynasty was abhorred by many Zimbabweans
In hindsight, the tipping point for the accelerated overthrow of Robert Mugabe and his eventual replacement as President by Emmerson Mnangagwa was reached when it became clear that Mugabe was going along with moves to elevate his wife, Grace Mugabe, to leadership of the ruling ZANU-PF Women' League. This positioned her for the slot of Vice-President of party and state at the expense of Emmerson Mnangagwa in the expected special party congress.  The possibility of a Mugabe dynasty was abhorred by all in the opposition and also sharpened divisions between the main factions in the ruling party. For ZAPU and indeed for the ZPRA Veterans Association, this shaped our opposition to the status-quo.

                                                                             War veterans' associations united against anti-people tendencies
One of the remarkable developments of 2017 was the growth of cooperation between war veterans' associations historically divided by alignment to ZAPU and to ZANU. They opposed political excesses and related economic corruption and unequivocally put these down to departure from the values of the liberation struggle (for independence and freedom). For the first time since the late 1970s those who were involved in the armed struggle found common cause that went beyond their differences as they had done during the Patriotic Front. The arrogance of the Mugabe regime convinced war veterans that if they stood divided in the face of impunity there was no chance of change. Furthermore this renewed collaboration would facilitate the involvement of all stakeholders in the transition to a democratic and accountable order.  

The veterans' associations held a series of meetings and consultations that would culminate in a massive rally on 18 November 2017 to be followed a march into State House to physically eject Mugabe.

                                                                                           Mugabe regime goaded the army to intervene in crisis
The threat to army leaders as factional fights in the ruling party intensified made intervention inevitable, resulting in the military "Operation Restore Legacy" shortly before the massive demonstration planned for 18 November by the war veterans. This popular entry by the army into the crisis created space for ZANU-PF elements to hijack the demonstration and pose as previously "silent" opponents of Mugabe. The ensuing veneer of legitimacy and legality provided by a compliant parliament was then used to bypass the more radical cleansing of the state and to pave way for uncontested perpetuation of ZANU in power, albeit with a military core. 

                                                                                    Presidential powers survive change of guard and signal limited change
The massive powers enjoyed by Robert Mugabe have been inherited intact by Emmerson Mnangagwa, who happens to have been an architect of some of them and has been a loyal apprentice. There are many who were surprised at the choice (retention?) of cabinet ministers from elements who had poor reputations even by the standards of the Mugabe regime, suspected of shady deals. However, this failure to escape the Mugabe past was in some ways inevitable once the emerging change was presented as a ZANU affair backed by the military and other parts of the security sector. Lack of an inclusive agenda meant falling back on the inherited arsenal of presidential powers and demonstration of continuity even in making of appointments. Significantly, the trend of politicizing the military was taken to new heights, with serving officers moving into key political offices without a cooling period. The security sector must not be used as a party political tool and its effectiveness ultimately depends on professionalism and defense of the public interest.

                                                                             Reforms provide a chance to outgrow the backward Mugabe regime
President Mugabe will be remembered for resisting or stalling on reforms that were due according to the Constitution adopted in 2013. Notable lack of progress is evident in the establishment and operation of independent Commissions. The government of President Emmerson Mnangagwa can redeem itself by ensuring that the Human Rights and the Peace and Reconciliation Commissions are taken more seriously. Violence supported or perpetrated by state institutions, such as the Gukurahundi massacre of over 20,000 unarmed civilians in the 1980s in Matebeleland and the Midlands, must get some closure through appropriate engagement of affected families and areas by government.The enjoyment and protection of civil liberties is at the heart of our liberation struggle, including freedom of assembly which is still infringed by application of outmoded practices inherited from the colonial rule books.

The approaching elections due in 2018 must be preceded by the strengthening of the capacity and independence of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC). Without free and fair elections there will be no meaningful or lasting peace.

                                                                                                                   Devolution a litmus test
There have been no signals from the newly-installed regime of President Mnangagwa that fundamental change in the structure of government along the lines of the 2013 Constitution will get priority. Devolution of power to the provinces needs to move from general platitudes to become a key feature of how all parts of the country will set local priorities and share in their resource base. There are many examples of marginalization and asset-stripping that became possible only because of central control, patronage and abuse of unchecked authority.  This is why our party retains the implementation of devolution provisions in the constitution as a top demand and platform for change. 

                                                                                                Economic environment/discipline and investment
The new regime has committed itself to restoring discipline in the economy, not least by making the right noises against corruption and economic crimes. We hope this will continue in the next six months or so left before scheduled 2018 elections. This would lay the ground for reconstruction premised on internal confidence and a favorable environment for attracting foreign direct investment. Even a resource-rich country like Zimbabwe cannot afford leakages of billions of dollars from the economy without efforts to plug the gravy train. 

                                                                                                                 Incentives for return of Diaspora 
The new President has made welcome calls on Zimbabweans abroad to come and develop the country. The economic and political conditions that have driven predominantly young people to neighboring countries and even further afield have to be addressed because the emigrants have drive and rich expertise that can benefit the country and themselves. Under the Mugabe regime there were insufficient efforts to prepare for effective participation of those in the Diaspora in the elections. We hope that those who can do so will make arrangements to register and take part in the forthcoming elections. 

                                                                                                        Separation of party and state on service delivery
Reports are still reaching us of ruling party structures being used to control seed and fertilizer distribution instead of state institutions. These carry-overs from the Mugabe regime constitute the worst examples of abuse of state power for party political purposes.  We shall be vigilant to expose and agitate against such practices, and hope that the current regime will also discourage these practices from the past.  

                                                                                                                 Daring to hope for the liberation dream
ZAPU is the oldest surviving political brand in Zimbabwe, having gone from mass mobilization and peaceful campaigns in the 1960s before spearheading the transition to armed struggle for freedom and independence. I mention this in order to remind our people that the fundamentals that drove different generations to sacrifice life and limb have in many cases eluded us. Our right to peace and security has been tampered with for over thirty years, and even when we had a chance to acquire and benefit from our land this has been distorted and abused by the ruling clique. Our manifesto and key policy documents will outline the way in which we propose restoration of sanity on the land, and put the interests and needs of the people at the center of government in general. 

I think that it is not too much to hope that fundamental change is possible and a dividend for the long struggle for democracy and accountability that resulted in the removal of Robert Mugabe in 2017. On that note I wish all Zimbabweans a Happy New Year and new start in 2018.

 

 

Dr. Joshua Nkomo

First Zapu President (1963 - 1999)

James Chikerema

First Zapu Vice President (1963 - 1971)

Dr. Dumiso Dabengwa

(Current Zapu President)

Cde. Laura Makomva

(Current Vice Zapu President)

Know Your Local Leaders to vote for

Mugabe's hand in Zim massacres exposed!

New documents have come to light that implicate Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe in mass killings of Ndebele people in western Zimbabwe in January 1983.

Thousands of recently declassified documents that appear to expose the perpetrators are now becoming available in a raft of foreign archival collections. The documents are wide-ranging and include, among others, diplomatic correspondence, intelligence assessments and raw intelligence garnered by spies recruited from within the Zimbabwean government. These papers — augmented by the testimony of Zimbabwean witnesses finding courage in old age — appear to substantiate what survivors and scholars have always suspected but never been able to validate: Mugabe, then prime minister, was the prime architect of killings that were well-planned and systematically executed.

Events Calendar

Friday 24 November 2017
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joshua nkomo

Dr. Joshua Nkomo
(Father Zimbabwe)

“I write because I feel that our country is in danger of complete disintegration, to the detriment of all its citizens now living and of generations to come,” Joshua Nkomo wrote to then Prime Minister Robert Mugabe in 1983.

Nkomo died in 1999 after a long battle with cancer. In the 1980s he spoke passionately about where he thought the wheels were coming off in newly independent Zimbabwe.

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About Matabeleland

Modern-day Matabeleland is a region in Zimbabwe divided into three provinces: Matabeleland North, Bulawayo and Matabeleland South. These provinces are in the west and south-west of Zimbabwe, between the Limpopo and Zambezi rivers.

 

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